Washington, D. C.
February 18, 1848.
Sir:
On my return from California in November
last, the circumstances of the times seemed to present reasons
for delaying a full report of my transactions and operations
on the coast of the Pacific.
The authority under which I had acted
was questioned or denied; the validity of much that had been
done was doubted, and investigations were on foot in which the
propriety of my proceedings might be brought to the especial
notice of the Executive.
After a full consideration of the circumstances,
to which it is unnecessary here further to allude, it appeared
to me decorous and respectful to withhold, for a brief period,
my own views of the questions in which I was to some extent implicated,
and to leave the Executive to learn the details of those transactions
from other quarters. The period, however, has now arrived in
which I feel that I can, without the imputation of improper feelings
or motives, lay before the Executive, in a tangible and official
form, a narrative of the occurrences which I directed in California;
explain the circumstances which induced the course which I pursued,
the motives by which I was guided, the objects which I designed
to accomplish, and thus to put the President in possession of
ample means to form a judgment upon my conduct.
It appears now to be no longer questioned
that I actually possessed and exercised the powers of governor
of California and commander-in-chief of the forces of the United
States in that quarter, and that, whether rightfully or wrongfully,
I executed the duties and administered the functions appertaining
to these high offices, for the administration of which I am alone
responsible. The despatches which were from time to time addressed
to the Department were designed to furnish the government with
accurate information of what transpired; but, under the circumstances
in which they were prepared, it did not enter into my purpose
to give a general narrative of the entire operations. Opening
a full view of the circumstances which influenced my judgment
in selecting the course which was adopted, and the policy by
which that course was determined, with your permission I beg
leave, at this time, to perform this duty; the obligations to
do which, at this juncture, seem to me more imperative, since
it appears that in an official communication addressed to the
Department by my successor in command, I am in the most explicit
terms censured for premature as well as injudicious action. With
what of propriety or of professional courtesy this condemnation
has been passed by an officer of equal rank with myself, without
any report or communication to him of what had occurred, or the
reasons by which I was governed, is not so apparent.
Under the instructions from the Department,
I arrived, in command of the United States frigate Congress,
at the harbour of Monterey, about the middle of July, 1846. The
American flag was there flying. I immediately went on board the
United States frigate Savannah, then lying off that town, and,
in conformity with my orders, I reported myself to Commodore
Sloat as forming part of the squadron then under his command.
From him I learned that in the preceding month of June, while
lying off Mazatlan, he had received intelligence that war had
commenced between the United States and Mexico; that he had forthwith
proceeded to Monterey, landed a force, and hoisted the flag of
the United States without resistance.
In the course of our interview, Commodore
Sloat apprised me of his intention to return in a short time
to the United States, whereby the command of the squadron would
devolve upon me. In this position it became my duty to examine
into the state of affairs, and, in view of the responsibility
which was about to rest upon me, to obtain all the information
which would enable me to exercise a proper judgment as to the
ulterior measures to be pursued. The result of my inquiries and
investigations showed me that the position I was about to occupy
was an important and critical one. The intelligence of the commencement
of hostilities between the two nations, although it had passed
through Mexico, had reached Commodore Sloat in advance of the
Mexican authorities. When he made his first hostile demonstrations,
therefore, the enemy, ignorant of the existence of the war, had
regarded his acts as an unwarrantable exercise of power by the
United States, and the most lively indignation and bitter resentment
pervaded the country.
The public functionaries of the territory
were not slow in availing themselves of this feeling, and endeavored
to stimulate it to the highest possible degree. A proclamation
was put forth, denouncing in the most unmeasured terms all foreigners;
but it was unquestionably aimed principally at the citizens of
the United States, and such others as sympathized with them.
Two or three were, in fact, murdered, and all were led to apprehend
extermination from the sanguinary feeling of resentment which
was everywhere breathed.
The local legislature was in session.
Governor Pio Pico had assembled a force of about seven hundred
or one thousand men, supplied with seven pieces of artillery,
breathing vengeance against the perpetrators of the insult and
injury which they supposed to have been inflicted. These hostile
demonstrations were daily increasing, and, by the time that the
command devolved on me by the departure of Commodore Sloat, the
situation of things had assumed a critical and alarming appearance.
Every citizen and friend of the United States throughout the
territory was in imminent jeopardy; he could count upon no security
for either property or life. It was well known that numerous
emigrants from the United States were on their way to Upper California.
These, marching in small and detached parties, encumbered with
their wives and children and baggage, uninformed of the war and
consequently unprepared for attack, would have been exposed to
certain destruction.
It was also ascertained that, in the
anticipation of the eventful conquest of the country by the United
States, many of those in the actual possession of authority were
preparing for this charge by disposing of the public property,
so that it might be found in private hands when the Americans
should acquire possession, believing that private rights would
be protected and individual property secure. Negotiations were
in actual progress thus to acquire three thousand leagues of
land, and to dispose of all the most valuable portions of the
territory appertaining to the missions at nominal prices, so
that the conquerors should find the entire country appropriated
to individuals, and in hands which could effectually prevent
sales to American citizens, and thus check the tide of emigration,
while little or no benefit would result to the nation from the
acquisition of this valuable territory.
All these considerations, together with
others of inferior moment, seemed to make prompt and decisive
action an imperative duty. To retain possession merely of a few
seaports, while cut off from all intercourse with the interior,
exposed to constant attack by the concentrated forces of an exasperated
enemy, appeared wholly useless. Yet to abandon ground which we
had occupied, to withdraw our forces from these points, to yield
places where our flag had been floating in triumph, was an alternative
not to be thought of, except as a last resource. Not only would
all the advantages which had been obtained be thus abandoned,
and perhaps never be regained without great expenditure of blood
and treasure, but the pride and confidence of the enemy would
be increased to a dangerous extent by such indications of our
weakness and inability to maintain what we had won.
Previous to the departure of Commodore
Sloat, be had, at my instance, and upon my representations, placed
at my disposal the United States sloop-of-war Cyane, as well
as the forces on shore. I immediately apprised Captain Fremont,
then of the topographical corps, with whom I had previous communications,
of the position in which I was placed, and that I had determined
upon my plan of operations.
Captain Fremont and Lieutenant Gillespie,
of the Marine Corps, had already raised a body of 160 volunteers,
prepared to act according to circumstances. I informed those
gentlemen that if they, together with the men whom they had raised,
would volunteer to serve under my command so long as I should
remain in California and require their services, that I would
form them into a battalion, appointing the former major and the
latter captain. These arrangements were all completed in the
course of the 23d of July, and my letters of that date to Commodore
Sloat, to Commander Du Pont, and Captain Fremont, on file, in
the Department, will have apprised you of my movements.
It was thus that the battalion of California
volunteers was organized, which subsequently, under its gallant
officers, took so patriotic and efficient a part in the military
operations in that territory. It was received into the service
of the United States to aid the Navy, as essential as well to
the maintenance of the position we then occupied as to execute
the plans which I had contemplated in the interior.
A few days subsequently, Commodore Sloat
sailed in the Levant, thus devolving upon me the command of the
entire force, both afloat and on shore. That force then consisted
of the frigates Congress and Savannah, sloops-of-war Portsmouth,
Cyane, and Warren, and the store-ship Erie. The Portsmouth was
at San Francisco, the Congress and Savannah at Monterey, the
Cyane had been sent with the California battalion to San Diego,
the Warren was at Mazatlan, and the Erie at the Sandwich Islands.
The force to be employed on land consisted to men, furnished
from the Congress, provided with about 90 muskets and bayonets,
some small cannon procured from the merchant-vessels, and the
battalion of volunteers, all indifferently provided with the
appendages of an army.
Sails for Los AngelesLeaving the Savannah
at Monterey, for its protection, I sailed about the first of
August, in the Congress, for San Pedro. This town is situated
about 28 miles from Ciudad de los Angeles, in the vicinity of
which the enemy was stated to be. On the way to San Pedro, we
landed at Santa Barbara, of which we took possession, and, leaving
a small force for its defense, proceeded to San Pedro, where
we arrived on the 6th of August. Here information was received
of the arrival of the Cyane at San Diego, of the landing of the
battalion, and that Major Fremont had experienced great difficulty
in procuring the necessary supply of horses. We immediately commenced
the landing of our forces from the frigate.
On the following day two persons arrived
representing themselves to be commissioners sent from General
Castro, authorized to enter into negotiations with me, and bearing
a letter from the General, which is already in possession of
the Department. Before, however, they would communicate the extent
of their power or the nature of their instructions, they made
a preliminary demand that the further march of the troops must
be arrested, and that I must not advance beyond the position
which I then occupied. This proposition was peremptorily declined.
I announced my determination to advance; and the commissioners
returned to their camp without imparting further the objects
of the proposed negotiations. Independently of the character
of the preliminary conditions insisted upon by these commissioners,
various considerations induced me to be averse to any negotiations
in the existing state of affairs, and to press forward for the
purpose of dispersing the forces which had been collected to
oppose my progress. Some of these considerations I feel it my
duty to submit to your notice, that my objects and designs may
be properly appreciated by the government.
From the brief period which had intervened
since the commencement of hostilities, it was obvious that the
central government in Mexico could not have been apprised of
the existing state of affairs; and, therefore, could not have
communicated to this remote quarter orders and instructions accommodated
to these circumstances. The local functionaries, therefore, who
proposed to negotiate with me, must have acted upon their own
authority, and their proceedings with a foreign power must depend
for their validity upon the subsequent ratification and approval
by the general government. Such ratification, it was confidently
believed, would be given or withheld, according as the exigencies
of the times made advisable.
Any arrangements, therefore, by which
the further progress of the American arms would be stayed, would
have left all the advantages to the one party. It was further
manifest that the single act of entering into negotiations with
this local authority would have been a recognition of its power
to act definitively upon other subjects. If it could treat with
us, a foreign foe, it would be impossible to deny its authority
in matters more obviously within its sphere of action. The transfer
of the public domain and property could scarcely have been questioned
by us; and, as was well understood, arrangements were in progress
to transfer all of it that was valuable to private bands, bitterly
inimical to the United States and its interests. To prevent the
accomplishment of this design was one of the chief objects which
had been contemplated from the organization and march of the
forces under my command; to enter into negotiations without the
entire dispersement of the local government, and of the troops
which it had assembled for its defence, would have been absolutely
to relinquish this highly important design.
In addition to this, preservation of
American interests, and of the lives and property of our citizens
already in California and on their way to this territory, imperatively
demanded that the troops which had been assembled under General
Castro should be defeated or dispersed. The condition insisted
upon as a preliminary clearly indicated that no arrangement would
be acceded to which did not leave the Mexicans in the full possession
of power throughout the province; and, if left in this possession,
relieved from all apprehensions of molestation on our side, they
would have been enabled to direct all their energies and force
to the accomplishment of other objects.
The extermination of the Americans,
which had been threatened in the proclamation already referred
to, was too much in accordance with the feelings which pervaded
the country and with the policy which governed its rulers not
to have been the immediate and certain result of any opening
of negotiations begun under such inauspicious signs as were insisted
upon as preliminary conditions. Every evil consequence which
I had apprehended would result from leaving things as they were
found on my arrival in California was still to be feared; and
even the movements which had already been made, unless pressed
to a successful close, would have tended only to aggravate and
precipitate them. There was, further, every reason to believe
that the principal, if not the only, object which the Mexicans
were sincerely desirous to obtain, was to gain time; and this
would have been accomplished with entire certainty by the mere
commencement of negotiations and the arrest of our advance, without
reference to its final termination.
Our march would necessarily have been
suspended at the outset; the sailors and marines must have re-embarked;
the California battalion, so prompt and energetic in volunteering
to aid us, must have been abandoned to its own resources, and,
thus insulated and unsupported, must either have dispersed or
fallen a sacrifice to an exasperated and powerful enemy. In the
meanwhile, the Mexican General, relieved from all danger of disturbance
from us, might, and certainly would, have increased his numerical
force, augmented still more its efficiency, until he had acquired
the capacity of expelling us from the places which had submitted
to our arms.
The foregoing were among the prominent
reasons which determined me to reject the Mexican proffers of
negotiation, and I trust they are such as recommend my proceedings
to the favourable consideration and approval of the President.
The commissioners were dismissed to
their own camp, with an intimation that I should immediately
follow them, and that the result of a battle would speedily determine
whether General Castro and Governor Pio Pico, or myself, were
to exercise authority over the inhabitants and territory of California.
Two or three days afterwards, other
persons arrived from the camp of General Castro, with a communication
from that functionary, stating his determination to defend the
country to the last extremity, and indulging in the most extravagant
language.
Having completed all the arrangements
which time and circumstances permitted, and despatched a courier
to Major Fremont, apprising him of my movements, we commenced
our march towards the camp of the enemy on the llth of August.
In the course of the afternoon of that day information reached
us that the enemy's force, instead of awaiting our approach,
had dispersed; that they had buried their guns, and that the
governor and general had retreated, as was supposed, towards
Sonora. We continued our march towards Ciudad do los Angeles,
and on the 13th, having been joined by Major Fremont with about
120 volunteers under his command, we marched into the city, which
we quietly occupied.
After the dispersement of the army of
the enemy, the flight of the general and governor-in-chief out
of the territory, a number of the officers of the Mexican army
were captured and made prisoners of war. Among these were Jose
Maria Flores, whose name will hereafter appear prominently, and
Don Andres Pico, brother of Governor Pio Pico. These officers
were released upon their parole of honour not to bear arms against
the United States pending the war, unless exchanged; with what
of fidelity they performed this obligation will appear in the
sequel. The people in general came in, tendered their submission
to our authority, and promised allegiance to our government.
Every indication of a hostile force had now disappeared from
the country, tranquillity was restored, and I forthwith determined
to organize a temporary civil government to conduct public affairs
and to administer justice as in time of peace. Various considerations
prompted to this course. It appeared to me that the existence
of such a government under the authority of the United States,
would leave no pretence upon which it might be urged that the
conquest of the country had not been accomplished.
While merely the military power exercised
power, enforcing its authority by martial law and executing its
functions through the instrumentality of a regular military force,
nothing could be regarded as settled, and opposition to its power
would be considered as a lawful opposition to a foreign enemy.
When, however, the whole frame of civil administration should
be organized, -- courts and judges performing their accustomed
functions -- public taxes and imposts regularly collected and
appropriated to the ordinary objects and purposes of government
-- any opposition might be justly deemed a civil offence, and
the appropriate punishment inflicted in the ordinary course of
administering justice.
Indeed, military law appeared to me
wholly inadequate to the emergency. It could not reach many of
the objects over which a salutary control ought to be exercised.
It could not effectively administer the property or sufficiently
guard private rights. A civil government which should, through
its various functionaries, pervade the entire country, exercise
a superintendence over all the inhabitants, discover, restrain,
and punish all acts of insubordination, detect and check all
attempts at a hostile organization, recognise and sanction the
possession, use, and transfer of property, inflict upon criminals
the appropriate punishment, and remedy injuries inflicted upon
individuals, seemed not only an important instrument in the accomplishment
of the objects which I had in view, but essential to the attainment
of the ends of the government. It appeared to me desirable that
the actual possession and exercise of power should be transferred,
with the least possible delay, from the military to civil functionaries.
Under our institutions the military
is regarded as inferior to the civil authority, and the appropriate
duty of the former is to act as auxiliary to the latter. Such
being the general character of our institutions, it seemed in
the first degree desirable that the inhabitants of the country
should, as soon as practicable, become familiar with them, that
they might perceive and appreciate their importance and their
value, their capacity to maintain right and redress wrong, and,
in the protection afforded to persons and property, to recognise
a guarantee of all their individual rights. The marked contrast
which would thus be afforded to their former institutions and
rulers would reconcile the Mexican portion of the population
to the change; while the American inhabitants would gratefully
witness an administration of law and justice analogous to that
to which they had been accustomed at home.
Actuated by such considerations, I gave
my immediate attention to the establishment, upon a permanent
basis, of a civil government throughout the country, as much
in conformity with the former usages of the country as could
be done in the absence of any written code. A tariff of duties
was fixed, and collectors appointed. Elections were directed
to be held for the various civil magistrates; Major Fremont was
appointed Military Commandant of the territory, and Captain Gillespie
military commandant of the Southern Department. The battalion
of volunteers was ordered to be augmented to three hundred; and,
contemplating soon to leave the territory, I determined on my
departure to appoint Major Fremont Governor of California. He
was apprised of these intended arrangements, and instructed to
meet me at San Francisco on the 25th of October, for the purpose
of consummating them. These acts and intentions were officially
communicated to the Department in my several despatches.
This exposition of my operations and
acts will, I trust, prove satisfactory to the Executive, and
be a sufficient reply to Commodore Shubrick's charge of premature
action. In a state of actual war against a foreign enemy, I found
myself at the head of a force and in command of means competent
to take and hold possession of an important part of the hostile
territory. I found that before the command had devolved upon
me the flag of my country had been raised in some parts of California.
Important interests were involved; to stop short would have led
to their absolute sacrifice, accompanied by great individual
loss and suffering. No middle course was open to my choice. The
alternative was the subjection of the entire province to our
authority, or its total abandonment. In such a position I could
not hesitate as to the line of duty. Empowered to conduct the
war against Mexico according to the exigency of circumstances
and my own judgment, I determined to support the honour of my
flag and to promote what I regarded as the best interest of the
nation.
Having achieved the conquest of the
country, and finding my military strength ample to retain it,
the establishment of a civil government naturally and necessarily
resulted. The emission to do this would have marred the entire
plan and stamped a character of imbecility and instability upon
the whole operation. My views of the interests of my country
were decisive; as to the expediency of my measures, the estimate
I entertained of my authority impressed upon them the sanction
of duty. The arrangements having been thus completed, I determined
to leave California under the administration of the civil authority,
and with the squadron under my command, aided by a volunteer
corps raised for the purpose, to sail for the southern part of
Mexico, capture Acapulco, and, having secured proper positions
on the coast, to march into the interior, advance towards the
city of Mexico, and thus to cooperate with the anticipated movements
of General Taylor, or produce a powerful diversion which would
materially aid him in his operations. My despatches have already
put the department in possession of these plans.
About the 2d of September I left Ciudad
de los Angeles, embarked on board the Congress on the 3d, and
on the 5th sailed for Santa Barbara. Having taken on board the
small detachment which had been landed at this place, we proceeded
to Monterey, where every thing was found tranquil. The people
appeared to be quite satisfied with the state of affairs.
Information was here received leading
to the apprehension that Sutter's settlement on the Sacramento
was threatened with an attack by a body of one thousand Walla-Walla
Indians. The Savannah was immediately ordered to San Francisco;
Lieutenant Maddox, of the Marine Corps, appointed Military Ccommandant
of the Middle Department, and, other necessary arrangements having
been made, I proceeded in the Congress to San Francisco, which
place I reached in a few days. It soon appeared that the reports
in regard to the Walla-Walla Indians had been greatly exaggerated.
They were not so numerous as had been represented, nor had they
any hostile intentions. The inhabitants of San Francisco, on
my arrival, received me en masse, with every demonstration of
joy on the conquest of the country, and with every manifestation
of personal respect as the Governor of the territory and Ccommander-in-Chief
of the United States forces.
About the 30th of September, a courier
arrived from Captain Gillespie, despatched by that officer to
convey to me the information that an insurrection had broken
out at Ciudad de los Angeles, and that be was besieged in the
government-house at that place by a large force. I immediately
ordered Captain Mervine to proceed in the Savannah to San Pedro,
for the purpose of affording aid to Captain Gillespie. Major
Fremont was at Sacramento when the news of the insurrection reached
him, and, having formed the determination to march against the
insurgents with the force he could muster, amounting to about
one hundred and twenty men, was preparing to move. I sent a request
to him forthwith to join me at San Francisco with his command,
and to bring with him as many saddles as he could procure. While
awaiting the arrival of Major Fremont I detached officers in
various directions for the purpose of procuring volunteers to
join the battalion, and engaged the merchant-ship Sterling to
take them down to Santa Barbara.
About the 12th of October, Major Fremont
arrived at San Francisco, and immediately embarked on board the
Sterling, with about one hundred and sixty volunteers. He was
directed to proceed to Santa Barbara, there to procure horses
to march to Ciudad de los Angeles, while I, with the Congress,
was to sail to San Pedro, and by that route advance towards the
same point. The insurgents were represented to be encamped in
the neighbourhood of that city. The Congress and Sterling sailed
in company from San Francisco, but separated the same evening
in a fog.
Between San Francisco and Monterey we
spoke a merchant-vessel from the latter port, with despatches
from Lieutenant Maddox, apprising me that Monterey was threatened
with an attack, and that he was in want of immediate assistance.
We ran into the Bay of Monterey, landed two officers with fifty
men and some ordnance.
Having thus strengthened that post,
I proceeded to San Pedro. On my arrival at that place, about
the 23d of October, I found the Savannah frigate. Captain Mervine
informed me that Captain Gillespie, with the volunteers under
his command, was on board his vessel, having left Ciudad do los
Angeles under a capitulation entered into with General Flores,
the leader of the insurrection, - one of the Mexican officers
who, having been made prisoner of war, had been released on his
parole.
Captain Mervine further informed me
that, about two weeks before, he had landed with his sailors
and marines for the purpose of marching in conjunction with Captain
Gillespie and his detachment of volunteers to Ciudad de los Angeles.
He had not carried any artillery with him; that about twelve
miles from San Pedro he encountered a party of the insurgents
with one piece of artillery; a battle ensued; that several charges
had been made upon the insurgents' gun, but it was impossible
to capture it, as, whenever lie approached, they bitched their
horses to it and retreated. Having sustained a loss of several
men killed and wounded, he retired with his force and re-embarked.
Proper arrangements having been made
during the night, in the morning we landed a strong force with
several pieces of artillery, once more hoisted the flag of the
United States at San Pedro, and formed our camp there. The insurgent
force in the vicinity was supposed to number about eight hundred
men. Our authority was necessarily limited to the portion of
territory in our actual possession or within the range of our
guns. The insurgents, in the undisturbed occupancy of the interior,
and watchful of our every movement, could, at their pleasure,
threaten us with an attack by night or day, and had the precaution
to remove beyond our reach every horse and all the cattle which
might have been available either for food or transportation.
The roadstead at San Pedro was also
a dangerous position for men-of-war, being exposed to the storms
which at that season of the year rage with great violence upon
the coast.
This consideration decided me to proceed
to San Diego, which, although the entrance was obstructed by
a bar which had never been passed by it vessel of equal draught
of water with the Congress, might, I hoped, be crossed; and,
if the passage should prove practicable, would be found a convenient
and safe harbour. We did not, however, leave San Pedro until
I had been compelled to relinquish all expectation of the co-operation
of Major Fremont, from whom I had not heard a word since we parted
off San Francisco, nor until the officers and men had become
completely exhausted by their incessant duties on shore, in guarding
the camp from attack and pursuing small parties of the insurgents
who approached us. Having embarked the men belonging to the squadron,
and volunteers under Captain Gillespie, I sailed for San Diego
in the Congress.
On my arrival off the harbour of San
Diego, I received information from Lieutenant Minor that the
town was besieged by the insurgents, that his stock of provisions
was small, and that he was in want of an additional force. He
gave it as his opinion that the Congress might be got over the
bar. ln attempting this, however, the ship struck, and her position
was so dangerous that we were compelled to return to the anchorage
outside.
On the following day the Malek Adhel,
a prize to the United States ship Warren, arrived from Monterey
with despatches from Lieutenant-Colonel Fremont. I thus received
information from that officer that on his way to Santa Barbara
he met the merchant-ship Vandalia, from San Pedro, by whom he
was informed of the state of affairs at the South; that it would
be impossible for him to procure horses at Santa Barbara, in
consequence of which he had proceeded to Monterey, and would
employ all diligence in preparing his force to march for Ciudad
de los Angeles.
Lieutenant Minor was directed to send
the ship Stonington, then lying in the harbour of San Diego,
with as many volunteers as could be spared, to Ensenada, about
ninety miles below San Diego, for the purpose of procuring animals,
which lie was instructed to have driven into San Diego. Without
a supply of horses and beeves, it was not prudent to commence
our march. Captain Mervine was despatched in the Savannah to
Monterey, to aid Lieutenant-Colonel Fremont in his preparations
to march, and, having myself gone to San Pedro, returned with
all convenient speed to San Diego.
About thirty or forty miles from that
place our progress was arrested by a calm. My anxiety on account
of Lieutenant-Colonel Fremont, and my desire to go to his assistance
was so great, that a boat was immediately despatched with Lieutenant
Tilghman, the bearer of a communication addressed to Lieutenant
George Minor, in command at San Diego, apprising that officer
that on my arrival I would be ready to take the field in person,
and, with an additional force of two hundred and fifty men from
the ship, to take up the line of march for Ciudad de los Angeles.
Lieutenant Minor was directed to arrange with Lieutenant Tilghman,
the commanding officer of the artillery, and Mr. Southwick, commanding
officer of the engineers, to have the horses necessary for the
transportation of the guns and ammunition.
Notwithstanding my first unsuccessful
attempt to get into the harbour of San Diego, it was an object
of too great importance to be abandoned, unless from the absolute
impossibility of effecting it. The bar and channel were again,
on my return, examined and buoyed, and a second attempt made.
After crossing the bar, the ship grounded, and in such a situation
that it became expedient to prepare her spars to shore her up,
to prevent her from tumbling over. While thus occupied, the insurgents
commenced an attack upon the town, and, notwithstanding the perilous
condition of the frigate and the necessity of employing the crew
in extricating her from her position, a portion of them was simultaneously
engaged in landing from the ship, in boats, to take part in the
fight. In executing my orders in reference to those two distinct
objects at the same time, the conduct of the officers and men
under my command was such as to command my warmest commendation.
Every thing was performed with the regularity and order of the
ordinary duties of the vessel. Having accomplished a landing
of the men from the ship, the attack of the insurgents was successfully
repelled by the combined force under the command of Lieutenant
Minor and Captain Gillespie.
The situation of the place was found
to be most miserable and deplorable. The male inhabitants had
abandoned the town, leaving their women and children dependent
upon us for protection and food. No horses could be obtained
to assist in the transportation of the guns and ammunition, and
not a beeve could be had to supply the necessary food; some supplies
of provisions were furnished from the ship. The expedition to
the southward for animals, under the command of Captain Gibson,
of the battalion, had succeeded in driving about ninety horses
and two hundred head of beef-cattle into the garrison.
The horses were, however, much worn
down, and it was supposed a fortnight's rest would be required
before they would be fit for service. During the time required
for resting the horses, we were actively employed in the construction
of a fort, for the more complete protection of the town, mounting
guns, and in making, the necessary harness, saddles, and bridles.
While the work of preparation necessary
for our march to meet Lieutenant-Colonel Fremont at Ciudad de
los Angeles was thus going on, we sent an Indian to ascertain
where the principal force of the insurgents was encamped. He
returned with information that a body of them, about fifty strong,
was encamped at San Bernardo, about thirty miles from San Diego.
Captain Gillespie was immediately ordered
to have as many men as be could mount, with a piece of artillery,
ready to march for the purpose of surprising the insurgents in
their camp. Another expedition, under command of Captain Hensley,
of the battalion, was sent to the southward for animals, who,
after performing the most arduous service, returned with five
hundred head of cattle and one hundred and forty horses and mules.
About the 3d of December, two deserters from the insurgents,
whose families lived in San Diego, came into the place and reported
themselves to Lieutenant Minor, the commander of the troops.
On receiving information of the fact, I repaired to Lieutenant
Minor's quarters, with my aid-de-camp, Lieutenant Gray, for the
purpose of examining one of these men.
While engaged in this examination, a
messenger arrived with a letter from General Kearney, of the
United States army, apprising me of his approach, and expressing
a wish that I would open a communication with him and inform
him of the state of affairs in California.
Captain Gillespie was immediately ordered
to proceed to General Kearney's camp with the force which he
had been directed to have in readiness, carrying a letter which
I wrote to General Kearney. Captain Gillespie left San Diego
at about half-past seven o'clock the same evening, taking with
him one of the deserters to act as a guide in conducting General
Kearney to the camp of the insurgents. The force which accompanied
Captain Gillespie consisted of a company of volunteers, composed
of Acting Lieutenant Beale, Passed Midshipman Duncan, ten carbineers
from the Congress, Captain Gibson, and twenty-five of the California
battalion. Mr. Stokes, who was the bearer of the letter from
General Kearney, was also of the company.
In the evening of December 6, Mr. Stokes
returned to San Diego, to inform me that General Kearney, on
the morning of that day; had attempted to surprise the insurgents,
under the command of Captain Andres Pico, in their camp at San
Pasqual; that he had been worsted in the action which ensued,
but to what extent he was unable to say, as he had left the field
before the battle was concluded. He, however, was under the impression
that General Kearney had lost a number of men killed and wounded.
The following morning, Lieutenant Godey,
of the California battalion, with two men, came into San Diego
with a letter from Captain Turner, of the dragoons, informing
me that General Kearney had had a fight with a considerable body
of the Mexicans; that he had about eighteen killed and fourteen
or fifteen wounded, and suggesting the propriety of despatching
without delay, a considerable force to his assistance. Preparations
were immediately made to despatch a detachment for this purpose.
Captain Turner had not mentioned the strength on either side,
and Lieutenant Godey was not able to inform me.
From the information, however, I deemed
it advisable to proceed in person, with all. the force that could
be spared from the garrison, to form a junction with him. Two
days' provisions were ordered to be prepared, and the advance,
with two field-pieces, under Acting Lieutenant Guest, wag directed
to march forthwith to the mission of San Diego, where it was
my intention to join it with the rest of the force the next morning.
Before, however, the advance had moved, in Indian came in from
General Kearney. From the information be gave, I judged that
the necessity for immediate assistance was much more urgent than
had been previously supposed.
Anticipating great difficulty and delay
from the want of animals to drag the artillery, should I march
with my entire force, and believing, from the representations
now made, that the force of the Californians was less than had
been supposed, and consequently that a portion of my command
would be sufficient for the purpose, I determined not to move
in person, but to send on as rapidly as possible an effective
body of men. About ten o'clock at night, Acting Lieutenant Beale,
of the Congress, arrived from General Kearney's camp, and confirmed
the worst accounts we had received and the importance of prompt
assistance. The advanced body, increased to the number of 215
men, was placed under the command of Lieutenant Gray, my aid-de-camp,
with orders to proceed directly to the camp of General Kearney.
The order was successfully performed,
and Lieutenant Gray, having accomplished it, returned to San
Diego accompanied by the General. On their arrival, General Kearney,
his officers and men, were received by all the garrison in the
kindest and most respectful manner. So far as my observation
extended, no civility or attention was omitted. Having sent,
with Captain Gillespie every horse that was fit for use to General
Kearney, I was without one for my own accommodation. I was therefore
compelled, on foot, to advance and receive the General, whom
I conducted to my own quarters, until others more agreeable to
him could be prepared.
The arrival of General Kearney was to
me a source of gratification, although it was my decided opinion
-- which as yet I have seen no reason to change -- that, under
the circumstances that existed, I was entitled to retain the
position in which I was placed of Commander-in-Chief; yet, in
consideration of his high standing in the army, his long experience
as a soldier, the importance of military science and skill in
the movements that were to be made in the interior of the country,
I immediately determined to yield all personal feelings of ambition
and to place in his hands the supreme authority. In accordance
with this determination I tendered to General Kearney the position
of Commander-in-Chief and offered to accompany him as his aid.
This proposition was on more than one
occasion renewed, and with all sincerity and singleness of purpose.
The responsibility of moving from San Diego, and leaving the
safety of the ships, deprived of so large and efficient a portion
of their crews, was of itself a momentous one. This, however,
in the discharge of duty, I felt no inclination to shrink from.
But the fate of the territory itself might depend upon the issue
of a battle to be fought on shore against an army organized to
encounter us. The nature of the service and the importance of
the stake, it seemed to me, appertained rather to a general in
the army than a captain in the navy. Whatever ambition I might
feel for distinction, either on my account or on that of the
gallant officers and men under my command, was voluntarily and
deliberately offered as a sacrifice to a paramount sense of duty.
The offers thus made were, however, on every occasion distinctly
and positively declined by General Kearney, who, on his side,
offered to accompany me in the capacity of my aid, and tendered
to afford me the aid of his head and hand.
A day or two after his arrival at San
Diego, General Kearney removed from my quarters to others which
at his instance had been provided for his accommodation. Before
leaving, however, he handed me his instructions from the War
Department. On reading them, I came to the conclusion that he
had submitted them to my perusal to afford me the gratification
of perceiving how entirely I had anticipated the views of the
government in the measures which I had adopted. In return, I
exhibited some of my own despatches to the Department. Subsequently,
and before leaving San Diego, General Kearney mentioned the subject
of his instructions from the War Department, and seemed to intimate
that he ought of right to be the governor of the territory. His
language, however, though perhaps sufficiently explicit, was
not very intelligible to me, as I was at a loss to reconcile
the assertion of such a claim of right with his repeated refusal
to accept the offer, which I had more than once made to him,
to devolve upon him the supreme command in the territory. The
subject, however, was discussed between us without any interruption
of that harmony which had commenced on our first interview.
A few days before I expected to take
up the line of march, I addressed a note to the General, expressing
a wish that he would accompany me. In his reply lie repeated
the language which he had before employed: -- that he would so
accompany me, and afford me the aid of his head and hand. Accordingly,
on the morning of our departure he appeared upon the ground.
After the troops had been paraded, and were nearly ready to commence
the march, as I was about to mount my horse, General Kearney
approached me and inquired who was to command the troops. I replied,
Lieutenant Rowan was to have the command. On his expressing a
wish that he should himself command them, I replied, that he
should have the command. The different officers were at once
convened, and informed that General Kearney had volunteered to
command the troops, and that I had given him the appointment,
reserving my own position as commander-in-chief. This arrangement
having been made, we proceeded on the march.
During our march I was informed by Captain
Gillespie who was sent by General Kearney, who was in the advance,
that two commissioners had arrived with a flag and a communication
addressed to me. Repairing to the front, I received the commissioners,
who bore a letter, signed by General Flores as governor and commander-in-chief,
addressed to the commander-in-chief of the American forces. Upon
reading it, and ascertaining from whom it emanated, I replied
to the commissioners, substantially, that I perceived the letter
was written by General Flores, whom I had captured and held as
a prisoner, but whom I had released on his parole of honour;
that in appearing now in hostile array he had violated his parole,
and could not be treated as an honourable man; that I had no
answer to return to his communication but this: -- that if I
caught him I should shoot him. With this reply the commissioners
departed, and we proceeded on our march to meet the enemy.
The battles on the Rio San Gabriel and
on the plains of the Mesa took place on the 8th and 9th of January,
1847. On the morning of the 8th, we crossed the river under a
galling fire from the enemy, who were posted, with their artillery,
on the opposite bank, about fifty feet above the level of the
river. Having crossed the guns, we placed the two nine-pounders
in battery, and commenced the fire. As soon as the troops had
passed the river, they commenced forming the squares. At this
time I perceived the insurgents were about to make a charge upon
our left flank, and I ordered the men of that flank to be kept
in line, that we might have a more extended line of fire. At
this time, observing that the insurgents had withdrawn their
artillery from the hill, I sent Lieutenant Gray, my aid-de-camp,
to General Kearney, to move the square, with one field-piece,
up the hill. At this moment the insurgents charged the left flank,
but were received with such a shower of lead that they were soon
repulsed. We immediately moved the line up the hill with the
two nine-pounders, which I placed in battery in advance of the
troops. I ordered the troops to lie down to avoid the insurgents'
cannon-balls, as the fight was kept up by the artillery alone.
On the morning of the day we marched
into Ciudad do los Angeles, General Kearney came to me with Mr.
Southwick, who was acting as engineer, to ascertain from me by
what road I intended to enter the city. He requested Mr. Southwick
to mark on the sand the position of the city, and the different
roads leading into it. I selected the plainest and broadest road,
leading into the main street of the city; and when we marched
into the city I led the way with the advance-guard. My position
as Commander-in-Chief was again distinctly recognised in a letter
of January 13, addressed to me by General Kearney, as Governor
of California, commanding United Slates forces.
A few days after we had taken Ciudad
do los Angeles, Lieutenant-Colonel Fremont arrived with his part
of the battalion.
With the firm convictions which existed
upon my mind as to my rights and authority as Commander-in-Chief,
and the obligations which all officers and men under my command
were under to obey implicitly all my orders, I should not only
have felt it to be my right, but a matter of imperative duty,
to assert and maintain my authority, if necessary, by a resort
to force. I continued this exercise of power of Commander-in-Cchief
without its having been denied or questioned by any person, as
far as I was informed, up to the 16th of January, when I received
a letter of that date from General Kearney, which is now on file
with the Department, in which he demands that I will cease all
further proceedings relating to the formation of a civil government
for that territory. In my reply of the same date to that letter,
(which, I think, is also on file in the Department,) I suspended
General Kearney from his volunteer command under me, when he
again became Brigadier-General Kearney, over whom I never attempted
or desired to have any command or control.
I exercised no authority in the territory
after I left San Diego, except that which was induced by the
receipt of a letter from Lieutenant-Colonel Cook, informing me
that he had received information that a French schooner had been
landing some guns on the Southern coast, and that General Bustamente,
with 1500 Mexicans, was approaching the territory. I wrote to
Lieutenant-Colonel Cook that I would go in search of them as
soon as possible. I went down the coast 120 miles, landed and
mounted some of my men, and went in pursuit. It turned out to
be a false alarm. After performing this last service in California
I returned, via San Diego and Monterey, to San Francisco, where
I gave up the command of the frigate Congress, and returned to
the United States by way of the Rocky Mountains.
The California Battalion was organized
under my own personal direction and authority, under a special
condition that it should act under my orders as long as I might
remain in California and require its services. It was paid by
my orders, as long as I had any thing to pay with. The officers
derived their appointments exclusively from me. It was never,
in any form or manner, mustered into the service of the United
States as a part of the army or connected with it. It was exclusively
and essentially a navy organization. The battalion was entirely
composed of volunteers, organized under my authority, but with
their own free consent, according to the terms of a distinct
and specific agreement to obey my orders and to serve while I
should require their services. These men were not of that kind
of personnel which sometimes compose regular armies: they were
principally free American citizens who had settled in California;
they were men of respectability, of influence, and of property;
they were no ordinary men, because, when told that I had offered
them as pay ten dollars a month, they said that they would not
accept that pay, -- that it would not pay their expenses, --
but that they would volunteer to serve under my command without
compensation.
This was the origin, character, and
position of the battalion when engaged, in co-operation with
the squadron under my command, in accomplishing the objects which
I had in view.
Such was the posture of things when
General Kearney arrived in California, and when he joined me
in San Diego. He brought with him a very inconsiderable force,
-- wholly insufficient of itself to accomplish the important
objects of tranquillizing the province and subjecting it to the
authority of the Union, by the suppression of the insurrection
which had been organized for the purpose of recovering the positions
we occupied, overthrowing the government we had organized, and
expelling us from the country, if, indeed, it had proved itself
able to defend itself without our aid. When General Kearney declined
the proffers I made to him of devolving upon him the high and
responsible position of Commander-in-Chief; when he volunteered
to act as my aid in the march against the enemy; when, at his
own request, I assigned to him the position of commander of the
troops; when the battles were fought which broke and dispersed
the army of the insurgents; when, finally, we entered in triumph
Ciudad de los Angeles, during this entire period I had not received
any intelligence of the movements of Major Fremont.
The battalion was never placed under
the command of General Kearney by me, and was not subjected to
his orders. It still remained in immediate subordination to me
and to my authority. Up to the period last mentioned, -- viz.:
the date of our occupation of Ciudad de los Angeles, the only
authority which General Kearney had exercised, while he accompanied
me, was simply that authority which he had asked me to give him,
and which he had voluntarily accepted at my hands.
No one has ever pretended -- I certainly
never claimed -- that I possessed any right or authority to command
General Kearney as such. All the power which I ever claimed or
exercised over him was derived from his volunteering to aid me
and to act under my orders. This connection, being purely one
created by mutual consent, was, at any time, dissoluble at the
will of either of the parties. As I could not originally have
compelled General Kearney to assume the position he held, neither
had I any authority to detain him in it one moment against his
inclination. He might, at any time, have laid down his character
as a volunteer under me, and resumed his official rank and rights
as brigadier-general in the army of the United States.
In his capacity of brigadier-general,
however, he had no authority to command me or any portion of
my force. I was as independent of him as he confessedly was of
me. If the force which I had brought ashore from the squadron
constituted a portion of the Navy, -- if the California Battalion,
which I had raised and organized, was ever rightfully subject
to my orders, -- both were as independent of General Kearney,
or any other officer of the army, as I myself was.
Nor have I ever questioned, much less
denied, the authority of General Kearney to assume command over
and give his orders to Lieutenant-Colonel Fremont. He might,
at any time, without my controverting his power, have directed
Lieutenant-Colonel Fremont to leave my command, to terminate
his connection with me as a volunteer under my command, and to
report to him for orders. With any such exercise of authority
I should never have interfered; whether rightfully or wrongfully
exercised was not for me to judge. That was a matter dependent
upon the relative rights and duties of the parties themselves,
as fixed by the military law, and to be decided by military authority.
I did, however, and do still, deny that
General Kearney, while occupying the position of volunteer under
my command, had any authority whatever, as brigadier-general,
over any portion of the forces serving under me. I deny that
after the character of volunteer was laid down, and that of brigadier-general
resumed, he had, as such, any authority, nor could the Secretary
of War give him any such authority over any portion of the force
which I had organized. Whatever authority he might lawfully exercise
over Lieutenant-Colonel Fremont personally, I deny that it reached
to the battalion organized under me and by me placed under the
command of that officer. And, finally, I deny that General Kearney
could rightfully control me in my conduct as governor of California,
more especially after having explicitly refused to accept the
supreme authority when voluntarily tendered to him.
I have the honour to be, faithfully,
your obedient servant,
R.F.Stockton
To the Hon. John Y. Mason
Secretary of the Navy
Washington, D. C.